The new Hungarian government is moving swiftly to dismantle the legacy of former Prime Minister Viktor Orban, focusing on corruption, media reform, and protecting democracy. Prime Minister Peter Magyar and his administration are maintaining a rapid pace of change. In his initial weeks, Magyar lifted EU blockades previously introduced by Orban and opened a dialogue with Ukraine, a nation formerly labeled by Orban as the “Empire of Evil.”
Domestically, the Hungarian parliament has authorized salary cuts for lawmakers and ministers and implemented a two-term limit for the prime minister. While these early moves were seen as anti-Orban symbolism, Magyar has now pivoted to addressing the core substance of his predecessor’s regime. Orban had established long-term plans to ensure his influence lasted for decades, including the strategic placement of civil servants who would hinder new governments and the hiding of billions to fund his network. However, supported by a comfortable two-thirds majority, the government of Magyar and his Tisza party is now dismantling these structures.
During a parliamentary address, Magyar described Orban’s governance as a “mafia system” and introduced “Operation Purgatory”—a term reflecting his preference for religious and historical symbolism—to root out this influence. He has promised comprehensive investigations into how Orban’s associates, oligarchs, and party members acquired their wealth, vowing to recover illegally obtained assets. He also intends to reform state institutions and the judiciary to prevent a return to the Orban-era political control. As the online outlet 444.hu noted, Orban sought to restrict the next 10 governments, but the Magyar administration is actively dismantling those constraints.
On Tuesday, parliament passed the first major legislative package under “Operation Purgatory.” These measures are critical for securing about €17 billion ($19.3 billion) in EU funding currently frozen by Brussels due to corruption concerns during Orban’s 16-year rule. The timing is urgent, as a deadline for a major tranche of €10.4 billion falls in August. One significant reform is the abolition of public interest asset management foundations (KEKVA), which were used to shift between €5 billion and €9 billion in public assets into private hands. These foundations, such as the Mathias Corvinus Collegium (MCC)—an elite training school for the Fidesz party—held huge state assets, including a 10% share in oil firm MOL and pharmaceutical company Gedeon Richter, worth approximately €1.3 billion as of 2020.
Additionally, the new laws provide the “Integrity Authority” with greater power and tighten asset disclosure rules for senior officials to ensure transparency in public tenders. Tenders were a primary vehicle for corruption under Orban, benefiting figures such as Lorinc Meszaros, a former plumber and gas fitter from Orban’s home village who became Hungary’s richest man and is widely known as “Orban’s wallet.”
Magyar’s government is also reorganizing public service media to remove the propaganda and fake news structures that defined the previous 16 years, replacing them with bodies featuring journalistic representation. Furthermore, legislation is moving forward to establish the National Asset Recovery and Protection Office (NVVH). Political scientist Gabor Torok, speaking on a 24.hu podcast, identified the NVVH as the most significant measure of the government, as it addresses the societal demand to see legal consequences for the previous era. Beyond these steps, Magyar aims to remove President Tamas Sulyok, whom he calls a “puppet of the Orban regime,” and has proposed a three-term limit for lawmakers. Expert Zsuzsanna Szelenyi has emphasized that the administration must balance these rapid reforms with constitutional norms to achieve effective re-democratization.
